Justin Martyr
Saint Justin Martyr (c. A.D. 10/114 - c. 16/168) was an early Christian apologist.
- Life and Writings
- The "Apology"
- The "Dialogue" and "Resurrection"
- Justin's Theology
- His Conversion and Teachings
- His Doctrine of the Logos
The facts of the life of Justin Martyr, so far as they are known, are gathered chiefly from his own writings. He was born at Flavia Neapolis (the ancient Shechem and modern Nablus) in Palestine. Flavia Neapolis was a city founded by Vespasian in the aftermath of the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70.
He suffered martyrdom at Rome under Marcus Aurelius when Rusticus was prefect of the city (between 162 and 168). He calls himself a Samaritan, but his father and grandfather were doubtless Greek or Roman, and he was brought up in heathen customs. It seems that he had property, studied philosophy diligently, became converted to Christianity (see below, § 5), and thenceforth devoted his life to teaching what he considered the true philosophy, still wearing his philosopher's gown to indicate that he had attained to the truth. He probably traveled widely and ultimately settled in Rome as a Christian teacher.
The earliest mention of Justin is found in Tatian (Oratio ad Graecos, xviii., xix.),
who calls him "the most admirable Justin," quotes
a saying of his, and says that the Cynic Crescens
laid snares for him. Irenaeus (Haer. I., xxviii. 1)
speaks of his martyrdom, and of Tatian as his
disciple; he quotes him twice (IV., vi. 2, V., xxvi. 2),
and shows his influence in other places. Tertullian
(Adversus Valentinianos, v.) calls him a
philosopher and martyr, and the earliest antagonist of
heretics. Hippolytus and Methodius also mention
or quote him. Eusebius deals with him at some length (Church History, iv. 18), and names the following works:
1. Life and Writings
He implies that a number of other works were in
circulation; from Irenaeus he knows of the apology
"Against Marcion," and from Justin's "Apology"
(i. 26) of a "Refutation of all Heresies " (Church History, IV., xi. 10). Epiphanius (Haer., xlvi. 1) and
Jerome (De vir. ill., ix.) mention Justin. Rufinus borrows from him the Latin original of Hadrian's letter. After Rufinus Justin was not known in the
West for a long time, and the Eastern writers got
their knowledge of him mainly from Irenaeus and
Eusebius, or from spurious works. The ''Chronicon
Paschale'' is possibly independent in assigning his
martyrdom to the year 165. A considerable
number of other works are given as Justin's by Arethas,
Photius, and other writers; but their spuriousness
is now generally admitted. The ''Expositio rectae
fidei'' has been assigned by Draseke to Apollinaris
of Laodicea, but it is probably a work of as late as
the sixth century. The Cohortatio ad Graecos has
been attributed to Apollinaris of Laodicea,
Apollinaris of Hierapolis, and others. The ''Epistola ad
Zenam et Serenum'', an exhortation to Christian
living, is dependent upon Clement of Alexandria, and
is assigned by Batiffol to the Novatian Bishop
Sisinnius (c. 400). The extant work under the title
"On the Sovereignty of God" does not correspond
with Eusebius' description of it, though Harnack
regards it as still possibly Justin's, and at least of
the second century. The author of the smaller
treatise "To the Greeks " can not be Justin,
because he is dependent on Tatian; Hanack places
it between 180 and 240.
On the other hand, the authenticity of the two "Apologies" and the "Dialogue with Trypho" is universally admitted. They are preserved only in the Sacra parallela; but, besides that they were known by Tatian, Methodius, and Eusebius, their influence is traceable in Athenagoras, Theophilus, the pseudo-Melito, and especially Tertullian. Eusebius speaks of two "Apologies," but he quotes them both as one, which indeed they are in substance. The identity of authorship is shown not only by the reference in the "Dialogue," cxx., to the "Apology," but by the unity of treatment. Zahn has shown that the "Dialogue" was originally divided into two books, that there is a considerable lacuna at chap. lxxiv., as well as at the beginning, and that it is probably based on an actual occurrence at Ephesus, the personality of the Rabbi Tarphon being employed, though in a Hellenized form. The treatise "On the Resurrection," of which extensive fragments are preserved in the Sacra parallela, is not so generally accepted. Even earlier than this collection, it is referred to by Procopius of Gaza (c. 465-528), and Methodius appeals to Justin in support of his interpretation of I Cor. xv. 50 in a way which makes it natural to assume the existence of a treatise on the subject, to say nothing of other traces of a connection in thought both here, in Irenaeus (V., ii.-xiii. 5), and also in Tertullian, where it is too close to be anything but a conscious following of the Greek. The "Against Marcion" is lost, as is the "Refutation of all Heresies" to which Justin himself refers in "Apology," i. 26; Hegesippus, besides perhaps Irenaeus and Tertullian, seems to have used it.
Of the date of the "Dialogue" it can only be
said that it was later than the "Apology"; the
time of composition of the latter, however, can be
determined with comparative closeness. From
the fact that it was addressed to Antoninus Pius,
Marcus Aurelius, and Verus, its composition must
fall between 147 and 161. The
reference to Felix as governor of Egypt,
since this can only be the Lucius
Munatius Felix whom the
Oxyrhynchus papyri give as prefect Sept. 13, 151, fixes the
date still more exactly. Its occasion is evidently
a recent occurrence, and the Chronicon of
Eusebius gives 152-153 as the date of the attacks of
Crescens. What is designated as the "Second
Apology" was written as a supplement to the first,
on account of certain proceedings which had in the
mean time taken place in Rome before Lollius
Urbicus as prefect of the city, which must have
been between 150 and 157.
The purpose of the "Apology" is to prove to
the emperors, renowned as upright
and philosophical men, the injustice of the persecution of the
Christians, who are really the representatives of
true philosophy. Chaps. i.-xii. give the
preliminary negative proof; chap. xiii. begins a positive
exposition of what Christianity really is.
Christians are the true worshipers of God, the Creator of
all things; they offer him the only sacrifices worthy
of him, those of prayer and thanksgiving, and are
taught by his Son, to whom they assign a place
next in honor to him. This teaching leads them
to perfect morality, as shown in their teacher's
words and their own lives, and founded on their
belief in the resurrection. The doctrine of the
Logos made flesh is specially emphasized in xxi.,
xxii. What interferes with belief in this fact is the
deceitful work of demons (xxiii-xxvi.), in contrast
with which Christian righteousness is still further
described (xxvii-xxix.). Then follows the proof
that Christ is the Son of God from Old-Testament
prophecy, fulfilled in every detail (xxx.-l.), no
matter what evil spirits may pretend (liv.-lvii.);
even Plato learned from Moses (lviii.-lx.). The
remaining chapters (lxi.-lxvii.) give a glimpse of the
daily life of Christians at the time-- baptism,
communion, and Sunday worship. The
supplementary or "Second Apology" depicts the behavior
of the Christians under persecution, of which the
demons are again set forth as the instigators.
In the " Dialogue," after an introductory
section (i.-ix.), Justin undertakes to show that
Christianity is the new law for all men (x.-xxx.), and to
prove from Scripture that Jesus is the Christ
(xxxi.-cviii.). The concluding section (cix.-cxlii.)
demonstrates that the Christians are the
true people of God. The fragments of
the work "On the Resurrection"
begin with the assertion that the truth,
and God the author of truth, need no
witness, but that as a concession to
the weakness of men it is necessary
to give arguments to convince those who
gainsay it. It is then shown, after a denial of
unfounded deductions, that the resurrection of the
body is neither impossible nor unworthy of God,
and that the evidence of prophecy is not lacking
for it. Another fragment takes up the positive
proof of the resurrection, adducing that of Christ
and of those whom he recalled to life. In another
the resurrection is shown to be that of what has
gone down, i.e., the body; the knowledge concern
ing it is the new doctrine in contrast with that of
the old philosophers; the doctrine follows from the
command to keep the body in moral purity.
Flacius discovered "blemishes" in Justin's
theology, which he attributed to the influence of pagan
philosophers; and in modern times Semler and S.
G. Lange have made him out a thorough Hellene,
while Semisch and Otto defend him from this
charge. In opposition to the school of Baur, who
considered him a Jewish Christian, A Ritschl has
pointed out that it was precisely because he was a
Gentile Christian that he did not fully
understand the Old-Testament
foundation of Paul's teaching, and explained in
this way the modified character of his
Paulinism and his legal mode of thought. M. von
Engelhardt has attempted to extend this line of
treatment to Justin's entire theology, and to show
that his conceptions of God, of free will and
righteousness, of redemption, grace, and merit prove the
influence of the cultivated Greek pagan world of
the second century, dominated by the Platonic
and Stoic philosophy. But he admits that Justin
is a Christian in his unquestioning adherence to the
Church and its faith, his unqualified recognition of
the Old Testament, and his faith in Christ as the
Son of God the Creator, made manifest in the flesh,
crucified, and risen, through which belief he
succeeds in getting away from the dualism of pagan
and also of Gnostic philosophy.
In the opening of the "Dialogue," Justin relates
his vain search among the Stoics, Peripatetics, and
Pythagoreans for a satisfying knowledge of God;
his finding in the ideas of Plato wings for his soul,
by the aid of which he hoped to
attain the contemplation of the
God-head; and his meeting on the
sea-shore with an aged man who told him
that by no human endeavor but only
by divine revelation could this
blessedness be attained, that the prophets had conveyed
this revelation to man, and that their words had
been fulfilled. Of the truth of this he assured
himself by his own investigation; and the daily life of
the Christians and the courage of the martyrs
convinced him that the charges against them were
unfounded. So he sought to spread the knowledge
of Christianity as the true philosophy. He had,
like others, the idea that the Greek philosophers
had derived, if not borrowed, the most essential
elements of truth found in their teaching from the
Old Testament. But at the same time he adopted
the Stoic doctrine of the "seminal word," and so
philosophy was to him an operation of the
Word-- in fact, through his identification of the Word
with Christ, it was brought into immediate
connection with him. Thus he does not scruple to
declare that Socrates and Heraclitus were Christians
(Apol., i. 46, ii. 10). His aim, of course, is to
emphasize the absolute significance of Christ, so that
all that ever existed of virtue and truth may be
referred to him. The old philosophers and
law-givers had only a part of the Logos, while the whole
appears in Christ. While the heathen, seduced by
demons, had deserted the true God for idols, the
Jews and Samaritans possessed the revelation given
through the prophets and awaited the Messiah.
The law, however, while containing
commandments intended to promote the true fear of God,
had other prescriptions of a purely pedagogic
nature, which necessarily ceased when Christ, their
end, appeared; of such temporary and merely
relative regulations were circumcision, animal
sacrifices, the Sabbath, and the laws as to food. Through
Christ the abiding law of God has been fully
proclaimed. In his character as the teacher of the
new doctrine and promulgator of the new law lies
the essential nature of his redeeming work. The
idea of an economy of grace, of a restoration of the
union with God which had been destroyed by sin,
is not foreign to him. It is noteworthy that in the
"Dialogue" he no longer speaks of a "seed of the
Word" in every man, and in his non-apologetic
works the emphasis is laid upon the redeeming acts
of the life of Christ rather than upon the
demonstration of the reasonableness and moral value of
Christianity, though the fragmentary character of
the latter works makes it difficult to determine
exactly to what extent this is true and how far the
teaching of Irenaeus on redemption is derived from
him. Still, it is safe to say that Justin's theology
is characterized throughout by an ethical strain.
Faith does not justify but is a preliminary to
justification, which is accomplished by repentance,
change of heart, and a sinless life according to God's
commandments. Baptism confers the remission
only of previous sins; the Christian must there
after show himself worthy of union with God by a
life without sin. In the Eucharist he shows his
devotion by offering bread and wine and by prayer,
receiving in return the food consecrated by a
formula of Christ's institution, which is the flesh and
blood of the incarnate Jesus, and by which our
flesh and blood are nourished through a kind of
transformation (kata metabolen).
Justin is confident that his teaching is that of the Church at large. He knows of a division among the orthodox only on the question of the millennium and on the attitude toward the milder Jewish Christianity, which he personally is willing to tolerate as long as its professors in their turn do not interfere with the liberty of the Gentile converts; his millennarianism seems to have no connection with Judaism, but he believes firmly in a millennium, and generally in the primitive Christian eschatology.
His use of the idea of the Logos has always attracted attention. It is probably too much to assume a direct connection with Philo in this particular. The idea of the Logos was widely familiar to educated men, and the designation of the Son of God as the Logos was not new to Christian theology. The significance is clear, however, of the manner in which Justin identifies the historical Christ with the rational force operative in the universe, which leads up to the claim of all truth and virtue for the Christians and to the demonstration of the adoration of Christ, which aroused so much opposition, as the only reasonable attitude. It is mainly for this justification of the worship of Christ that Justin employs the Logos-idea, though where he explicitly deals with the divinity of the Redeemer and his relation to the Father, he makes use of the Old Testament, not of the Logos-idea, which thus can not be said to form an essential part of his Christology.
The importance which he attaches to the evidence of prophecy shows his estimate of the Old Testament Scriptures, which are to Christians absolutely the word of God, spoken by the Holy
Ghost, and confirmed by the fulfilment of the prophecies. Not less divine, however, is the teaching of the apostles, which is read in the assembly every Lord's Day-- though he can not use this in his "Dialogue" as he uses the Old Testament. The word of the apostles is the teaching of the Divine
Logos, and reproduces the sayings of Christ authentically. As a rule he uses the synoptic Gospels - Matthew, Mark, and Luke - but has a few unmistakable references to John. He quotes the Apocalypse as inspired because prophetic, naming its author. The opposition of Marcion prepares us for an attitude toward the Pauline epistles corresponding to that of the later Church. Distinct references are found to Romans, I Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Colossians, and II Thessalonians, and possible ones to Philippians, Titus, and I Timothy. It seems likely that he also knew Hebrews and I John. The apologetic
character of Justin's habit of thought appears again in
the Acts of his martyrdom (ASB, Apr., ii. 108 sqq.;
Ruinart, Acta martyrum, Regensburg, 1859, 105
sqq.), the genuineness of which is attested by
internal evidence.2. The "Apology."
3. The "Dialogue" and "Resurrection".
4. Justin's Theology.
5. His Conversion and Teachings
6. His Doctrine of the Logos.
